評論
鄧世杰/出深圳的頭路——農民工與城中村
紀錄片《交界》劇照。(圖片提供/2018當代敘事影展)
紀錄片《交界》劇照。(圖片提供/2018當代敘事影展)
去(2017)年的一天,我從家鄉梅州豐順縣乘大巴回深圳,路程足足有6小時,還需繞道深圳多個落客點,其中一個是白石洲城中村。沒想到,大巴擠進車水馬龍的沙河街停下,同車一半以上的人都起身準備下車。我聽著熟悉的客家鄉音抬頭去看,其中大部分是20歲左右的年輕人,雖然我知道他們只有「出深圳」這個唯一的出路,但在我家移民深圳25年後的今天看著他們下車,一個個背著行囊、棉胎、紅色膠桶消失在城中村的狹暗走道,我仍然有點眩暈。

二代農民工,住進城中村「握手樓」

像他們的處境,在中國社會學的分類裡,叫第二代農民工進城(我父親是第一代),相當於off-farmer變成了internal migrant worker。從農民工和城中村(urban village)的復合命名:農民—工人、城市—鄉村,我們就可以瞭解到在中國經濟高速增長的強要求下,因為體制和法規的滯後,而導致的灰色局面。
過去,農民工是指農民在非農忙時節參與臨時勞動的角色,比如春夏播種之後進城做幫工,到了秋收時節,他們就要回鄉收割。現實是這些農民已經失去了土地,或者從事農耕已不再能養活自己。在中國城鄉二元體制
一般是指中國「以社會化生產為主要特點的城市經濟」和「以小農生產為主要特點的農村經濟」並存的經濟結構,農業戶口可於所在農村獲得土地使用權,但不能在城市享受若干政策。這造成了城鄉之間包括居住、就業、社保、教育、醫療、稅收、財政和金融等等方面不平等。2014年7月30日,中國國務院公布《關於進一步推進戶籍制度改革的意見》,宣布未來將停止劃分農業和非農業戶口。
下,中國政府拒絕給予農民和城市居民同等的地位,包括養老、醫療、教育等的福利供應,逼迫農民進城打工。他們來到城市,拿著暫時居住證
這個詞據說為深圳首創,是深圳移民文化的一個標誌性符號,它讓初到深圳的外來人口擁有了暫時居住的權利和一個身份,目前中國不少地區已取消暫住證,由居住證代替。居住證允許新移民可部分參與城市社會保障、隨遷子女參加高考以及明確進入城市戶口的通道。
,並不被計入城市公共服務的對象,成為了城市的二等居民。
他們下車的白石洲是深圳最大的城中村,一如所有想像中的貧民窟一樣,是幽暗逼仄的樓道、縱橫交錯的電線、潮濕發霉的空氣,是自我管理而雜亂無章的工薪族社區。根據官方數據顯示,白石洲佔地約0.73平方公里,居住了15萬人左右。
從15年前開始,代表白石洲5個村莊的沙河公司就已經在和被政府委任的房地產公司交涉談判關於拆遷的補償。能參與談判、表決的1,100餘人是白石洲集體土地所有者,其餘148,900多人包括臨街商鋪經營者,只會等來限時遷出的通知,不會得到任何補償。2016年,深圳官方宣布深圳有2,000萬常住人口,其中僅有350萬人是擁有深圳戶口的「一等居民」。而據不完全統計,深圳有1,200萬人口住在300多座
根據「深圳市城中村綜合治理2018-2020行動計畫」官方數據,深圳城中村是336個行政村、1,104個自然村(行政村大於自然村,幾個自然村組成一個行政村)。
像這樣的城中村裡。
自1979年深圳經濟特區成立,大量外來人口湧入深圳打工,原居民利用手上的宅基地建造房屋為外來打工人員提供廉價的住房。而利益最大化的經典做法就是把土地利用到極致——平均7、8層的房屋之間僅保留了兩人並肩同行的走道,乃至兩棟樓間同層的住戶,只要打開窗戶就可以跟對方握手,所以城中村房屋就有了形象的名字——握手樓。

記錄驅逐中的深圳低端人口

在城中村逼仄的生活空間里,超高密度的人口造成公共設施的供應和服務嚴重不足,社區環境惡化。但因為城中村屬於農村集體土地,這些社區非但沒有被納入城市規劃,政府也不承擔公共治理責任。等到政府認為這片土地上應該讓位給更有價值的人和產業時,便開始在主流媒體上大肆宣揚城中村的「髒亂差」,要鏟除城市的「毒瘤」,一副愛深情切,幾欲拳腳相加的樣子。
但我家鄉的這些年輕人可能不知道這一切仍持續發生著變化,15年前的深圳已經開始淘汰低端產業工人,進入後工業時代,政府通過人才引進政策,嚴格篩選可以服務於更高產值的科技、生物技術、設計、IT等一等居民。隨著生活成本的提高和不平等的公共福利政策,這些年輕人將被驅逐到惠州、東莞、河源等二三線城市,直到整個中國也不再歡迎他們。單獨一個深圳並不能解決深圳的居住問題,雖然從2016年起,深圳常住人口增幅已經放緩,但每年仍有約600萬的流動人口試圖進入深圳,
本次入選當代敘事影展中《漂流群庄》單元的紀錄片《交界》和《「家」租在南頭》,前者就在白石洲拍攝,馬林和李倩導演從外地趕來,參與了一次以白石洲為中心的紀錄片訓練營,作為外地人開始就地觀察和拍攝白石洲的外來居民;《「家」租在南頭》的拍攝地南頭是2017年深港城市/建築雙城雙年展的發生地,這個展覽由深圳市政府主辦,在北京驅逐低端人口事件的背景下,仍以「城市共生」為主題瞄準深圳城市發展中最具普遍意義的城中村問題,不得不說是值得鼓勵的。在這個影片中,彭欣導演沒有關注展覽,而是借助受雇於展覽攝影工作的機會,與居民搭訕、閒聊、做朋友,記錄下這些南頭外來租客在鏡頭前不設防的微笑和表述,讓我們暫離城市發展的宏觀論述,見到一個個具體的人,這是我們為何為之抗爭的理由。
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紀錄片《「家」租在南頭》劇照。(圖片提供/2018當代敘事影展)
紀錄片《「家」租在南頭》劇照。(圖片提供/2018當代敘事影展)
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The City And The City: Migrant Workers Are Getting Pushed Out Of Shenzhen

Last year, I took a 6-hour bus trip back to Shenzhen, among its many stops in the city was the urban village of Baishizhou. The bus stopped in the middle of a main street and more than half of the passengers got off, most of whom spoke Hakka Chinese and were in their 20s.
Although I know drifting to Shenzhen is most likely their only way out, and that it has been 25 years since my own family migrated to Shenzhen, a sense of uncertainty kicked in as I watched these young adults with heavy luggage disappear into the tight alleys of Baishizhou.

Living in a "Handshake Building"

Chinese society calls these drifters second-generation migrant workers (while people in my father's generation are first generation). They are caught in the middle, between a farmer and a worker, and between cities and rural areas, living in limbo amid the accelerating Chinese economy.
Historically, migrant workers were farmers who worked as manual labourers during the non-farming seasons. For example, they would go into cities as construction workers after sowing season and go back for harvesting in the fall. Nowadays, however, farmers do not own as much land, and agriculture work no longer generates enough money for their families. The rural-urban divide means that the Chinese government disproportionally allocates fewer resources (e.g., welfare, health care, education) to rural areas compared with cities. Even after they move into the cities, migrant workers do not receive equal access to those resources due to their temporary residency status, and become second-class citizens.
Baishizhou is the largest urban village in Shenzhen, with all the characteristics one could imagine of a slum — dark and narrow alleys, messy electric cables, damp air, and disorganized communities suffering from poverty. It is reported that around 150,000 people live in the 0.73 square kilometre area occupied by Baishizhou.
15 years ago, the corporation that represents the land-owning villagers in Baishizhou started to negotiate with the government-appointed real estate company about compensation for residents forced out by demolition. But the people who have a say and the final vote in this discussion, however, are the 1,100 collective landowners. The 148,900 other residents and nearby retailers can do nothing but wait for the eviction notice that comes with no compensation.
According to the Shenzhen city census, there are 20 million residents in the city, but only 3.5 million of them receive "first class resident status", meaning they own property in the city and are officially registered as urban residents of Shenzhen. Another calculation estimates around 12 million people live in Shenzhen's 300 or more urban villages.
Since the establishment of the Shenzhen Special Economic Zone in 1979, land owners in Baishizhou have remodelled their homes into cheap dormitories to accommodate the massive influx of migrant workers. To maximize profit, buildings are built closer and closer together. Such crowded proximity gives rise to the name "handshake buildings", suggesting residents in neighbouring buildings can shake hands from their windows.

Documenting the Evicted

The cramped urban villages are dense and lack services and infrastructure, but because they fall under the jurisdiction of farming communities, the Shenzhen city government bears no responsibility to fix problems when they arise.
When the authorities need the urban village land for 'more productive' industries, they then publicize in mainstream media how dirty the urban villages are, and thus need to uproot these "malignant tumors", providing help for these communities.
The young migrant workers in my hometown may not know about this trend of being pushed out of Shenzhen, but over the past 15 years, as Shenzhen transitions into a post-industrialized economy, 'first class residents' with skills in highly valued fields such as IT, bio-technology and design are recruited to work and live in Shenzhen, while lower-class labourers are pushed out.
As the cost of living skyrockets and allocation of public resources becomes segregated, young migrant workers are pushed to second and third-tier cities such as Huizhou, Dongguan and Heyuan. They are increasingly unwelcome, and Shenzhen alone is unable to accommodate their housing needs. The influx of people moving into the city has slowed since 2016, but there are still at least six million people trying to get into Shenzhen every year.
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A film still of the documentary "A Home by Rent". Photo courtesy of the City Borders film selection.
A film still of the documentary "A Home by Rent". Photo courtesy of the City Borders film selection.
The documentary film "Border" (交界) — part of the 2018 New Narratives Film Festival "City Borders" film selection — was filmed in Baishizhou. In fact, directors Ma Lin (馬林) and Li Qian (李倩), both of whom are not from Shenzhen themselves, participated in a workshop about making documentaries about urban villages.
Another documentary, "A Home by Rent" (「家」租在南頭) also part of the City Borders film selection, was filmed in Guangdong's Nantou historic village, the site of the 2017 Shenzhen and Hong Kong Bi-City Biennale of Urbanism/Architecture.
Coincidentally, as the biennale was underway, the Beijing local government was carrying out mass evictions of urban villages in the capital region, making urban villages a hot topic of conversation at the event. In A Home by Rent, director Peng Xin (彭欣) doesn't document the macro-level policy debates around housing, but uses the documentary as a gateway to open conversations with local workers about their lived experiences.
For migrant workers, the fight for dignity and accessible housing continues.
More English reads, please click here.

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