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反論述、反菁英、接地氣,「韓流」是怎麼捲起的?

韓國瑜當選高雄市長震撼全台,《報導者》在投票前夕走訪高雄選舉晚會、眷村、醫師、工會幹部等,希望從不同面向了解「韓流」的心理成因,以及「韓流」對於這座工業城市的衝擊。

深藍眷村:熱情遠勝馬英九選總統

九合一選舉投票前一夜,「夜色茫茫,星月無光」一播放起最火紅的《夜襲》,高雄左營果貿社區的居民響起如雷歡呼聲,韓國瑜掃街車隊抵達前,窄窄的單線巷道裡擠滿國宅居民扶老攜幼,人手一支國旗飄揚,全部都在企盼看到韓國瑜本尊。
上一屆高雄市長選舉,民進黨陳菊大勝國民黨楊秋興,但楊秋興在果貿里依舊拿到73%選票,顯示果貿社區是全高雄最鐵桿深藍的地方之一,這次選戰韓國瑜掀起「韓流」風潮,果貿里里長韓得平感動地說:「上一次這麼轟動是2008年馬英九第一次選總統的時候!」這個藍軍票倉已經好久沒這麼激情。
「事先準備的700隻小國旗一早就被索取一空,連里辦公室裡面的大國旗都有人借走,整個里辦公室空蕩蕩,」韓得平回憶,一年多前韓國瑜下來高雄準備接手黨部主委一職時,雖然已經有傳言就是要來參選,但萬萬沒想到居然可以這麼轟動,不只是媲美馬英九旋風,甚至有過之而無不及。
從小就在果貿社區長大的韓得平分析:「果貿3個里以前更藍,現在大概已經有一半不是原本的果貿三村眷村戶,但還是傳統的高雄藍營大票倉。」他並一語點破「韓流」的重要元素:「韓國瑜和傳統的國民黨外省菁英政治人物不一樣,講話直接了當,一屁股就坐下來喝酒聊天,這是以前藍營候選人做不到的,連在地立委都做不到。」一旁的老伯伯更插話說,韓國瑜那種說話的氣魄,「看了就是爽,我們外省二代就是這樣做事」。
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左營果貿社區的居民。(攝影/林佑恩)
左營果貿社區的居民。(攝影/林佑恩)

精神科醫師:高雄人的光榮感不見了

長期觀察高雄選情的精神科醫師陳豐偉指出,「選陳其邁,就只是火車穩定向前開;但選韓國瑜,就像開驚喜包,而大多數高雄人,實在壓抑了太久。」
透過幾十年的看診經驗,看遍人生百態。陳豐偉眼裡,這次藍軍的大反撲,可說是高雄市民在城市轉型中長期累積的「世代焦慮」的直接投射。以年齡層來區分,先期民調中支持韓國瑜的年齡分佈,首先贏過綠營陳其邁的,就是「40到49歲」這個族群。
「為什麼呢?因為這個世代的高雄人像我一樣,曾經因為高雄而感到光榮。20多年前,高雄市可以跟台北競爭亞運舉辦權,有強大的市民運動,還有3家在地報社,文化動能十足,」陳豐偉回憶,那時候的高雄,絕對是全台第二大都市。
「但現在呢?你說要跟台北比,比什麼?拿出來只會被人笑,很明顯的高雄人的這種光榮感不見了。」見證過高雄曾經光輝的時期,自然會對現況感到失落,他認為這是40世代的想法。
陳豐偉認為,失望的不僅是這群社會中堅,年輕人同樣背負「去工業化」所帶來的創傷,最明顯的就是收入。與其他五都相較,高雄市的平均所得增長趨緩;窮忙、低薪,是20和30世代要面對的課題,不少人因此被韓國瑜一席「又老又窮」的批評擊中心裡最軟的一塊。
他形容,民進黨執政者長期以來的論述或政策,都是菁英走向,當權者穿套裝一副正經的模樣,也更凸顯這次韓國瑜的「接地氣」。韓流所捲起的旋風,幾乎是反論述、反政見和反菁英,這現象與2016年美國大選十分貼近,都是基層人民長期被剝奪話語權所造成的反撲。
對於「韓流」一路延燒至全國,陳豐偉認為,韓國瑜的崛起與爆發,是長期沉默的民眾透過他找到了出口,而這不僅限於高雄,其他縣市幾乎都期待韓勝選,或是自己的縣市也出現一個韓國瑜。
「具體來說,韓國瑜的出線幾乎是攪動了凝滯已久的社會氛圍,不僅是提醒執政者應該更廣泛的對每個社會階層有所認知,更是反體制的實際表現,」陳豐偉解釋。他也提到,未來的社會,可能很難再有一黨獨大的壟斷局面,而是政黨會不斷輪替上陣,因為民眾對執政者的耐心變小了,甜蜜期更短;韓國瑜的出現,長期來看,其實很難說是好還是壞。

禿子支持者:庶民語言打動在地人

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「韓流」支持者。(攝影/林佑恩)
「韓流」支持者。(攝影/林佑恩)
身為被韓國瑜陣營徵召的277位禿子之一,鹽埕人李仁傑強調,「韓國瑜像蔣經國,或是說,更像勤政愛民的好皇帝。」
一身國旗造型,韓國瑜的Q版貼紙就貼在他寬廣的額頭上,李仁傑是在韓國瑜選前之夜帶領進場的百位人選之一,他說自己已經20年沒有投過票了;這一次,為了投給他心所屬的韓國瑜,不僅第一時間報名成為「禿子義勇軍」,更放下工作,特地從台北搭高鐵一路趕到韓國瑜造勢晚會現場,像相隔兩地心急的戀人,只為了親眼見證這個可能改變的時刻。
「很簡單,韓國瑜很務實,東西賣出去,人潮帶進來,高雄自然發大財。」對於這個朗朗上口的口號,李仁傑強調,自己從事觀光業,陸客不來,相關產業鏈自然起不來;若有觀光客,每個人多賺個幾千塊,對生活也是不無小補。
簡單的口號,連小孩都琅琅上口,在永安漁港養了一輩子石斑魚與虱目魚的阿伯說:「『人進來、貨出去、高雄發大財』,連我孫子都當成順口溜,民進黨候選人陳其邁講那個什麼A什麼智慧的(AI人工智慧),聽無啦!」
當一個很像民進黨的韓國瑜,講話草根親和力十足,碰上一個講話斯文的陳其邁,高雄市民以前對藍綠兩黨候選人印象,這次完全對調。

工會幹部:擔心韓國瑜不了解高雄

連陳其邁不願具名的幕僚私下也分析,韓國瑜是出身眷村的外省子弟,但他跟過去政壇的外省菁英不一樣,沒有顯赫的家世、也沒有留學國外的學歷,他當年離開立委職務後,選擇進入農會系統而非轉戰到新黨繼續從政,這段經歷讓他學會接地氣的說話方式,這樣的「氣口
台灣閩南語,意指口氣、口吻。
」對上高雄人的脾氣。
高雄市產業總工會副理事長江健興則觀察,過去兩年民進黨中央執政下,年金改革讓軍公教嚥不下這口氣,《勞基法》修惡、砍7天假讓勞工階層對執政黨頗有怨言,剛好碰上一個口號簡單、說話草莽的韓國瑜,支持韓國瑜成了最佳的情緒抒發管道。
但江健興擔心,韓國瑜沒有提出具體的勞工政策,甚至在電視辯論會上的表現也明顯看得出對高雄並不了解,韓國瑜當選可能要花很長一段時間熟悉市政;勞工團體也在觀察,到底能不能真的如韓國瑜口中所說,讓高雄經濟好起來。
從原本不被看好,到掀起全國性旋風,最後翻盤當選,「韓流」即將入主高雄市政府而更受矚目。那些希望改變的高雄人,也將在「韓流」之下迎向下一階段的城市發展。韓國瑜這股循著媒體熱潮,甚至帶點民粹氣息的崛起過程,是否真能在高雄扎根,是這個務實的城市接下來對他的檢驗。
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How Kaohsiung Got Swept Up In The "Han Kuo-Yu Wave"

On the eve of Han Kuo-yu's (韓國瑜) election victory, the Reporter went to Kaohsiung to meet with residents on the streets, at election rallies and at military dependents’ villages. We wanted to understand why Han was greeted with such enthusiasm, and what it means for this industrial port city.

The military dependents' village: "More enthusiastic for Han than even President Ma"

It's the night before voting day, and residents from the Guomao Community in Kaohsiung's Zuoying district are waiting on the streets, with mini Republic of China (ROC) flags in hand. Han Kuo-yu's campaign car will soon make its final swing through the area, and residents are hoping to catch a glimpse of Han himself.
As the campaign car winds its way through the narrow alleys of Guomao's public housing projects, the car's loudspeakers fill the night air with a song called “Night Attack” (夜襲)— a song that harkens back to Taiwan’s martial law era, when music was composed in service of the state, and celebrated the courage of the ROC's armed forces.
In the last Kaohsiung mayoral election, the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP)'s Chen Ju (陳菊) defeated the KMT's Yang Chiu-hsing (楊秋興) by a huge margin. But in Guomao, a community with a reputation for strong KMT support, Yang picked up 73 percent of the vote.
This election, Han Kuo-yu's candidacy is garnering far more excitement. Pundits and KMT supporters are calling Han's newfound popularity "hanliu"—the "Han Kuo-yu Wave". Hanliu is also a play on the word "hallyu", a term used to denote the skyrocketing popularity of South Korean pop culture, which just happens to share some of the Chinese characters in Han Kuo-yu's name.
As the campaign car passes through, Guomao's borough warden, Han Te-ping (韓得平) says the community hasn't been this passionate about a political candidate in a long time. “The last time we felt this way was during Ma Ying-jeou (馬英九)'s first presidential run in 2008!” he says.
"The 700 mini-flags I prepared in the morning have all been snatched up, and even the big flag I had in my office was taken away. The warden's office is totally empty."
When Han Kuo-yu came to Kaohsiung to take up the post of the local KMT branch in Kaohsiung, and Han's plan to run in Kaohsiung was only a rumour, no one expected his candidacy would cause such a sensation.
"The community used to be even more pro-KMT, but now, more than half of the people in Guomao don't come from a military dependents' village. But this place is still a storehouse for KMT votes, through and through,” says Han Te-ping.
He raises an interesting point about the Han Kuo-yu Wave, “Han is different from elite KMT politicians with a Mainlander background. Han speaks in a straightforward way, and he's the kind of guy who you can sit down with and have a beer. That's something KMT candidates couldn't do before. Even local legislators can't do that.”
An older gentleman standing by interjects, and says Han Kuo-yu speaks with boldness. “Seeing him talk that way is refreshing, we second generation Mainlanders do things the same way.”
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Residents of Guomao Community in Kaohsiung's Zuoying District. Photo by Lin You-en.
Residents of Guomao Community in Kaohsiung's Zuoying District. Photo by Lin You-en.

The psychotherapist: "Kaohsiung's feeling of glory is gone"

Chen Feng-wei (陳豐偉) is a doctor, and has observed local politics in Kaohsiung for many years.
“Voting for Chen Chi-mai (陳其邁)—the DPP's candidate for Kaohsiung City—is like choosing a train that moves steadily along, in a forward direction. But voting for Han Kuo-yu is like receiving a mystery box,” he says.
“Also, the majority of people in Kaohsiung have felt held back for far too long.”
Chen Feng-wei's decades of experience in medicine has allowed him to see all aspects of life. He says the KMT's big comeback in Kaohsiung is a result of city residents projecting a kind of “generational anxiety”, accumulated over time as the city transforms.
Polls before the election showed Han Kuo-yu's support base in the 40-49 age range, beating Chen Chi-mai for support in this age group.
"Why? Because my generations feels a sense of pride in being from Kaohsiung. 20 years ago, Kaohsiung City could even compete with Taipei City to host the Asian Games. There's a strong local resident movement, some strong cultural momentum, and there's even three local newspapers here”, says Chen. Back then, Kaohsiung really was Taiwan's "second city".
"But now? You say you want to compare us with Taipei, but compare what exactly? If you talk about these things you'll only get laughed at. It's obvious that the pride in being from Kaohsiung is gone.” Witnessing the glory days of Kaohsiung, it's only natural that one would feel depressed by the current situation. Chen thinks most people in their 40s feel this way.
That disappointment isn't simply the core belief of the older generation, young people also bear the trauma of the city's "de-industrialization".
The most obvious change is in income. Compared with Taiwan's other five metropolises—Taipei, New Taipei, Taichung, Taoyuan and Tainan—the average income in Kaohsiung is low. Making ends meet with a small salary is a problem faced by many residents in their 20s and 30s. Many feel that Han’s critique that the city is "too old and too poor" hits right on the mark.
Chen describes the discourse and policies of the DPP as following an elitist trend. That's put Han's common touch into sharp contrast, with the Han Kuo-yu Wave exhibiting a kind of "anti-political" and "anti-elitist" tendency. The phenomenon isn’t unlike the 2016 US election, where a frustrated working class felt as if their problems weren't addressed by the ruling class.
As for the Han Kuoyu Wave that has swept across the country, Chen believes his explosive popularity is a result of people releasing the feelings they had bottled up inside, and have found a means of expression through Han. This isn’t limited to Kaohsiung, in other cities and counties, there are hopes that their own version of Han will appear.
"To be specific, it seems Han's candidacy has stirred up a long unsettled feeling within society. Han's appearance is a reminder to those in power that they need to have a broad understanding of each social class, and try break away from politics-as-usual."
Chen also notes that patience has grown thin with politicians, and it will be difficult for one party in Kaohsiung to hold a monopoly on power in the future. In the long run, however, it's hard to say whether the emergence of Han Kuo-yu is a good thing or a bad thing.
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Han Kuo-yu supporters in Kaohsiung. Photo by Lin You-en.
Han Kuo-yu supporters in Kaohsiung. Photo by Lin You-en.

The bald supporter: "He speaks like regular people"

"Han Kuo-yu is like Chiang Ching-kuo (蔣經國), or more like a good emperor who is diligent and loves the common people", says Li Jen-chieh (李仁傑), who hails from Kaohsiung's Yancheng district.
Dressed in the ROC flag, and with a cartoon sticker of Han Kuo-yu pasted to his wide forehead, Li is one of 277 bald men recruited to become "bald volunteer soldiers" by the Han Kuo-yu campaign. As the blue camp's final campaign event gets under way in Kaohsiung, Li is brought on stage with hundreds of other bald men to show their support for Han.
Li hasn't voted for more than 20 years. But this time, in order to be a part of the campaign that's so captivated his heart, he's taken the day off from his job in Taipei, and booked a ticket on the high-speed rail just to appear on stage in Kaohsiung, and witness this momentous change; it's as if Lin and Han are sweethearts, yearning to be reunited.
"It's simple, Han Kuoyu is pragmatic.” He then begins to repeat Han's campaign slogan, "if you have things to sell, and bring in people to buy, then Kaohsiung will benefit big time" (東西賣出去,人潮帶進來,高雄自然發大財).
Han's slogan points to the diminishing returns on Taiwanese agricultural exports and the decreasing number of Chinese tour groups to the city. Although Han is a member of the KMT, and past candidates have pointed to the DPP's refusal to accept the 1992 Consensus, Han's slogan only tacitly points to the DPP's position on cross-strait economic and political relations.
Li works in the tourism industry, and without Chinese tourists, related industries that depend on group tours have also done poorly. He says that if there's more Chinese tourists, everyone will be earning thousands of dollars more, which is better than nothing.
Han's campaign slogan is simple enough even for a child to remember it. At Yong'an harbour, we meet an elderly fisherman who mentions the slogan too.
"If the people come to buy, and you have things to sell, then Kaohsiung will benefit big time! Even my grandson is able to jingle the phrase out. Meanwhile, Chen Chi-mai said something about A.I. or computer intelligence or whatever, I can't understand that!"
This election, the typical personas Kaohsiung residents associate with KMT and DPP candidates, have been swapped. Han Kuo-yu, with his grassroots speaking style, is butting heads with Chen Chi-mai, the refined and well-spoken candidate.

The Trade union head: "I worry that he doesn't understand Kaohsiung"

Even Chen Chi-mai's campaign aides confide privately that Han Kuoyu, a second generation Mainlander raised in a military dependents' village, is quite different from the elitist KMT politicians of the past.
Unlike KMT royalty like Sean Lien (連勝文) and Ma Ying-jeou, Han does not come from a prominent family and did not study abroad.
After his work as a legislator came to an end in the early 2000s, he decided not to continue on in politics. He went on to become general manager of the Taipei Agricultural Products Marketing Corporation—an organization jointly owned by Taipei City and the Council of Agriculture. Han says this experience helped him to speak in a way that regular people could understand, a tone that fits the demeanour of Kaohsiung people.
Chiang Chien-hsing (江健興), deputy director of the Kaohsiung City Federation of Trade Unions, says the last two years under the DPP has been hard to swallow, with retired public servants and teachers seeing their pension cut, an unpopular labour reform bill, and the decision to eliminate seven of Taiwan's public holidays. Supporting a candidate like Han, with his simple campaign slogan and a folksy way of speaking, has become the best channel to express how they feel.
But Chiang is worried that Han did not propose a specific labor policy, and did not seem to fully understand Kaohsiung during the mayoral TV debate. It may take a long time for him to become familiar with the city, says Chiang. Indeed, many labour groups are wondering, is fixing Kaohsiung's economy as easy as he says it is?
Han Kuo-yu went from looking like a long-shot, to causing a country-wide storm, to winning the election. Now, he's about to enter Kaohsiung city hall, gaining even more attention. For Kaohsiung residents eager to see change, Han's arrival is a welcome next stage for the city's development. But whether the media buzz translates into a continued support base for Han is yet to be seen.
More English reads, please click here.

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